The Maya civilization flourished throughout
much of Guatemala and the surrounding region for close to 2000 years before
the Spanish arrived. Most of the Great Classic Maya cities of the Peten
region of Guatemala's northern lowlands were abandoned by the year 1000
AD. The states of the central highlands, however, were still flourishing
until the arrival of the Spanish Conquistador Pedro de Alvarado who brutally
subjegated the native states in 1523-1527.
The Era of Spanish Rule
During Spanish colonial rule, most of Central America came under the control
of the Captaincy General of Guatemala.
The first colonial capital of Guatemala, now called Ciudad Vieja, was
ruined by floods and an earthquake in 1542. Survivors founded a second
city of Guatemala, now known as La Antigua, in 1543. In the 17th century,
Antigua Guatemala became one of the richest capitals in the New World.
Always vulnerable to volcanic eruptions, floods, and earthquakes, Antigua
was destroyed by two earthquakes in 1773, but the remnants of its Spanish
colonial architecture have been preserved as a national monument. The third
capital, modern Guatemala City, was founded in 1776, after Antigua was
ordered to be abandoned.
The 19th Century
Guatemala gained independence from Spain on September 15, 1821; it briefly
became part of the Mexican Empire and then for a period belonged to a federation
called the
United Provinces of Central America, until the federation
broke up in civil war in 1838-1840 (
See: History of Central America).
Guatemala's Rafael Carrera was instrumental in leading the revolt against
the Federal government and breaking apart the Union. Carrera dominated
Guatemala through 1865, backed by conservatives, large land owners, and
the church.
Guatemala's "Liberal Revolution" came in 1871 under the leadership of
Justo Rufino Barrios, who worked to modernize the country, improve trade,
and introduce new crops and manufacturing. During this era coffee became
an important crop for Guatemala. Barrios had ambitions of reuniting Central
America and took the country to war in an unsuccessful attempt to attain
this; he died on the battle field in 1885.
The 20th Century
The United Fruit Company started becoming a major force in Guatemala in
1901. Government was often subservient to Company interests. While the
company helped with building some schools, they also stood in the way of
progress, such as when they opposed building highways because this would
compete with their railroad monopoly. The UFC controlled over 40% of the
country's best land and the port facilities.
The "Ten Years of Spring"
In 1944, Gen. Jorge Ubico's dictatorship was overthrown by the "October
Revolutionaries,"a group of dissident military officers, students, and
liberal professionals. This started what is sometimes called
The Ten
Years of Spring, a period of rare free speech and political organizations,
land reform, and a perception that great progress could be made in Guatemala.
A civilian president, Juan Jose Arevalo, was elected in 1945 and held the
presidency until 1951. Social reforms initiated by Arevalo were continued
by his successor, Col. Jacobo Arbenz. Arbenz permitted the communist Guatemalan
Labor Party to gain legal status in 1952. By the mid-point of Arbenz's
term, communists controlled key peasant organizations, labor unions, and
the governing political party, holding some key government positions. Despite
most Guatemalans' attachment to the original ideals of the 1944 uprising,
some private sector leaders and the military viewed Arbenz's policies as
a menace. The army refused to defend the Arbenz government when a United
States and United Fruit -backed group led by Col. Carlos Castillo Armas
invaded the country from Honduras in 1954 and quickly took over the government.
The late 20th Century
In response to the increasingly autocratic rule of Gen. Ydigoras Fuentes,
who took power in 1958 following the murder of Colonel Castillo Armas,
a group of junior military officers revolted in 1960. When they failed,
several went into hiding and established close ties with Cuba. This group
became the nucleus of the forces that were in armed insurrection against
the government for the next 36 years.
Four principal left-wing guerrilla groups--the Guerrilla Army of the
Poor (EGP), the Revolutionary Organization of Armed People (ORPA), the
Rebel Armed Forces (FAR), and the Guatemalan Labor Party (PGT)--conducted
economic sabotage and targeted government installations and members of
government security forces in armed attacks. These organizations combined
to form the Guatemalan National Revolutionary Unity (URNG) in 1982. At
the same time, extreme right-wing groups of self-appointed vigilantes,
including the Secret Anti-Communist Army (ESA) and the White Hand, tortured
and murdered students, professionals, and peasants suspected of involvement
in leftist activities.
Shortly after President Julio Cesar Mendez Montenegro took office in
1966, the army launched a major counterinsurgency campaign that largely
broke up the guerrilla movement in the countryside. The guerrillas then
concentrated their attacks in Guatemala City, where they assassinated many
leading figures, including U.S. Ambassador John Gordon Mein in 1968. Between
1966 and 1982, there were a series of military or military-dominated governments.
On March 23, 1982, army troops commanded by junior officers staged a
coup to prevent the assumption of power by Gen. Angel Anibal Guevara, the
hand-picked candidate of outgoing President and Gen. Romeo Lucas Garcia.
They denounced Guevara's electoral victory as fraudulent. The coup leaders
asked retired Gen. Efrain Rios Montt to negotiate the departure of Lucas
and Guevara. Rios Montt had been the candidate of the Christian Democracy
Party in the 1974 presidential elections and was widely regarded as having
been denied his own victory through fraud.
Rios Montt was by this time a lay pastor in the evangelical protestant
"Church of the Word." In his inaugural address, he stated that his presidency
resulted from the will of God. He was widely percieved as having strong
backing from the United States Ronald Reagan administration. He formed
a three-member military junta that annulled the 1965 constitution, dissolved
Congress, suspended political parties and cancelled the electoral law.
After a few months, Rios Montt dismissed his junta colleagues and assumed
the de facto title of "President of the Republic."
Guerrilla forces and their leftist allies denounced Rios Montt. Rios
Montt sought to defeat the guerrillas with military actions and economic
reforms; in his words, "rifles and beans." In May 1982, the Conference
of Catholic Bishops accused Rios Montt of responsibility for growing militarization
of the country and for continuing military massacres of civilians. General
Rios Montt was quoted in the New York Times of July 18, 1982 as telling
an audience of indigenous Guatemalans, "If you are with us, we'll feed
you; if not, we'll kill you."
The government began to form local civilian defense patrols (PACs).
Participation was in theory voluntary, but in practice, many Guatemalans,
especially in the northwest, had no choice but to join either the PACs
or the guerrillas. Rios Montt's conscript army and PACs recaptured essentially
all guerrilla territory-- guerrilla activity lessened and was largely limited
to hit-and-run operations. However, Rios Montt won this partial victory
at an enormous cost in civilian deaths.
Rios Montt's brief presidency was probably the most violent period of
the 36-year internal conflict, which resulted in about 200,000 deaths of
mostly unarmed indigenous civilians. Although leftist guerrillas and right-wing
death squads also engaged in summary executions, forced disappearances,
and torture of noncombatants, the vast majority of human rights violations
were carried out by the Guatemalan military and the PACs they controlled.
The internal conflict is described in great detail in the reports of the
Historical Clarification Commission (CEH) and the Archbishop's Office for
Human Rights (ODHAG). The CEH estimates that government forces were responsible
for 93% of the violations; ODHAG earlier estimated that government forces
were responsible for 80%.
On August 8, 1983, Rios Montt was deposed by his own Minister of Defense,
Gen. Oscar Humberto Mejia Victores, who succeeded him as de facto president
of Guatemala. Mejia justified his coup, saying that "religious fanatics"
were abusing their positions in the government and also because of "official
corruption." Seven people were killed in the coup, although Rios Montt
survived to found a political party (the Guatemalan Republic Front) and
to be elected President of Congress in 1995 and 2000. Awareness in the
United States of the conflict in Guatemala, and its ethnic dimension, increased
with the 1983 publication of I, Rigoberta Menchu, An Indian Woman in Guatemala.
General Mejia allowed a managed return to democracy in Guatemala, starting
with a July 1, 1984 election for a Constituent Assembly to draft a democratic
constitution. On May 30, 1985, after 9 months of debate, the Constituent
Assembly finished drafting a new constitution, which took effect immediately.
Vinicio Cerezo, a civilian politician and the presidential candidate of
the Christian Democracy Party, won the first election held under the new
constitution with almost 70% of the vote, and took office on January 14,
1986.
1986 to 2001
Upon its inauguration in January 1986, President Cerezo's civilian
government announced that its top priorities would be to end the political
violence and establish the rule of law. Reforms included new laws of habeas
corpus and amparo (court-ordered protection), the creation of a legislative
human rights committee, and the establishment in 1987 of the Office of
Human Rights Ombudsman. The Supreme Court also embarked on a series of
reforms to fight corruption and improve legal system efficiency.
With Cerezo's election, the military moved away from governing and returned
to the more traditional role of providing internal security, specifically
by fighting armed insurgents. The first
2 years of Cerezo's administration were characterized by a stable economy
and a marked decrease in political violence. Dissatisfied military personnel
made two coup attempts in May 1988 and May 1989, but military leadership
supported the constitutional order. The government was heavily criticized
for its unwillingness to investigate or prosecute cases of human rights
violations.
The final 2 years of Cerezo's government also were marked by a failing
economy, strikes, protest marches, and allegations of widespread corruption.
The government's inability to deal with many of the nation's problems--such
as infant mortality, illiteracy, deficient health and social services,
and rising levels of violence--contributed to popular discontent.
Presidential and congressional elections were held on November 11, 1990.
After a runoff ballot, Jorge Serrano was inaugurated on January 14, 1991,
thus completing the first transition from one democratically elected civilian
government to another. Because his Movement of Solidarity Action (MAS)
Party gained only 18 of 116 seats in Congress, Serrano entered into a tenuous
alliance with the Christian Democrats and the National Union of the Center
(UCN).
The Serrano administration's record was mixed. It had some success in
consolidating civilian control over the army, replacing a number of senior
officers and persuading the military to participate in peace talks with
the URNG. He took the politically unpopular step of recognizing the sovereignty
of Belize. The Serrano government reversed the economic slide it inherited,
reducing inflation and boosting real growth.
On May 25, 1993, Serrano illegally dissolved Congress and the Supreme
Court and tried to restrict civil freedoms, allegedly to fight corruption.
The "autogolpe" (or autocoup) failed due to unified, strong protests by
most elements of Guatemalan society, international pressure, and the army's
enforcement of the decisions of the Court of Constitutionality, which ruled
against the attempted takeover. In the face of this pressure, Serrano fled
the country.
On June 5, 1993, the Congress, pursuant to the 1985 constitution, elected
the Human Rights Ombudsman, Ramiro De Leon Carpio, to complete Serrano's
presidential term. De Leon, not a member of any political party and lacking
a political base, but with strong popular support, launched an ambitious
anticorruption campaign to "purify" Congress and the Supreme Court, demanding
the resignations of all members of the two bodies.
Despite considerable congressional resistance, presidential and popular
pressure led to a November 1993 agreement brokered by the Catholic Church
between the administration and Congress. This package of constitutional
reforms was approved by popular referendum on January 30, 1994. In August
1994, a new Congress was elected to complete the unexpired term. Controlled
by the anti-corruption parties--the populist Guatemalan Republican Front
(FRG) headed by ex-Gen. Efrain Rios Montt, and the center-right National
Advancement Party (PAN)--the new Congress began to move away from the corruption
that characterized its predecessors.
Under De Leon, the peace process, now brokered by the United Nations,
took on new life. The government and the URNG signed agreements on human
rights (March 1994), resettlement of displaced persons (June 1994), historical
clarification (June 1994), and indigenous rights (March 1995). They also
made significant progress on a socioeconomic and agrarian agreement.
National elections for president, the Congress, and municipal offices
were held in November 1995. With almost 20 parties competing in the first
round, the presidential election came down to a January 7, 1996 runoff
in which PAN candidate Alvaro Arzu defeated Alfonso Portillo of the FRG
by just over 2% of the vote. Arzu won because of his strength in Guatemala
City, where he had previously served as mayor, and in the surrounding urban
area. Portillo won all of the rural departments except Peten. Under the
Arzu administration, peace negotiations were concluded, and the government
signed peace accords ending the 36-year internal conflict in December 1996.
(See section on peace process) The human rights situation also improved
during Arzu's tenure, and steps were taken to reduce the influence of the
military in national affairs.
Guatemala held presidential, legislative, and municipal elections on
November 7, 1999, and a runoff presidential election December 26. In the
first round the Guatemalan Republican Front (FRG) won 63 of 113 legislative
seats, while the National Advancement Party (PAN) won 37. The New Nation
Alliance (ANN) won 9 legislative seats, and three minority parties won
the remaining four. In the runoff on December 26, Alfonso Portillo (FRG)
won 68% of the vote to 32% for Oscar Berger (PAN). Portillo carried all
22 departments and Guatemala City, which was considered the PAN's stronghold.
Portillo was criticized during the campaign for his relationship with
the FRG's chairman, former Gen. Efrain Rios Montt, the de facto president
of Guatemala in 1982-83. Many charge that some of the worst human rights
violations of the internal conflict were committed under Rios Montt's rule.
Nevertheless, Portillo's impressive electoral triumph, with two-thirds
of the vote in the second round, gave him a claim to a mandate from the
people to carry out his reform program.
President Portillo pledged to maintain strong ties to the United States,
further enhance Guatemala's growing cooperation with Mexico, and participate
actively in the integration process in Central America and the Western
Hemisphere. Domestically, he vowed to support continued liberalization
of the economy, increase investment in human capital and infrastructure,
establish an independent central bank, and increase revenue by stricter
enforcement of tax collections rather than increasing taxation. Portillo
also promised to continue the peace process, appoint a civilian defense
minister, reform the armed forces, replace the military presidential security
service with a civilian one, and strengthen protection of human rights.
He appointed a pluralist cabinet, including indigenous members and others
not affiliated with the FRG ruling party.
Progress in carrying out Portillo's reform agenda during his first year
in office was slow. As a result, public support for the government sank
to nearly record lows by early 2001. Although the administration made progress
on such issues as taking state responsibility for past human rights cases
and supporting human rights in international fora, it failed to show significant
advances on combating impunity in past human rights cases, military reforms,
a fiscal pact to help finance peace implementation, and legislation to
increase political participation.
Faced with a high crime rate, a public corruption problem, often violent
harassment and intimidation by unknown assailants of human rights activists,
judicial workers, journalists, and witnesses in human rights trials, the
government began serious attempts in 2001 to open a national dialogue to
discuss the considerable challenges facing the country.